{"id":233,"date":"2025-06-23T11:06:26","date_gmt":"2025-06-23T11:06:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/?p=233"},"modified":"2025-07-02T10:02:16","modified_gmt":"2025-07-02T10:02:16","slug":"kuchsizlar-kuchi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/?p=233","title":{"rendered":"Kuchsizlar kuchi"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: right;\"><strong>VASLAV GAVEL<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>\u201cKuchsizlar kuchi\u201d essesi sobiq SSSR kommunistik tuzumining mohiyatini, rejim hayoti va uning mafkuraviy maqsadlarini amalga oshirishda qaysi usul va uslublardan foydalanishini ochib beradi. Shuningdek asarda, g\u2018ayriinsoniy tuzumlarda o\u2018zlikni saqlab qolib haqiqiy hayot asosida yashash shartlarini, shuningdek, posttotalitar tuzumlarda siyosiy manqurtga aylanmaslik ko\u2018nikmalarini ta\u2019sirli misollar bilan yoritadi. <\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong><em>Siyosiy esse kommunistik mafkura asoratlaridan xalos bo\u2018lishda \u201csiyosiy dekompressiya\u201d qoidalariga rioya qilish, hamda postsovet davlatlarining demokratik taraqqiyot yo\u2018liga tushib olishida muhim manba bo\u2018lib hisoblanadi.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\">4<\/p>\n<p>Posttotalitarizm va hayotiy intensiyalar (niyatlar) o\u2018rtasida jarlik bor: hayot \u2013 ko\u2018p jihatdan plyuralizm va o\u2018zligiga intilayotgan bir vaqtda, posttotalitar tizim esa aksincha, monolitlik va total intizomga intiladi; hayot \u2013 tobora ko\u2018proq va ko\u2018proq \u201caql bovar qilmaydigan\u201d tuzilmalarni yaratishga intilayotgan bir paytda, posttotalitar tuzum esa unga \u201caqlbovar qiladigan voqelikni\u201d singdirishga harakat qiladi. Posttotalitar tizimning o\u2018zgarmas (qaysar) mohiyati: uning \u201co\u2018ziga o\u2018zi\u201d oriyentatsiya qilishida hamda iloji boricha, \u201co\u2018zligini\u201d ko\u2018proq saqlab qolish orqali ta\u2019sir doirasini kengaytirishida namoyon bo\u2018ladi.<\/p>\n<p>Bu tuzum insonga xizmat qiladimi o\u2018zi? Ha, faqat inson tuzumga qancha xizmat qilsa \u2013 shuncha, zarracha ham ortiq emas; tuzum o\u2018zi belgilagan \u201cqoidalar\u201ddan har qanday og\u2018ishni o\u2018ziga suiqasd sifatida qabul qiladi, chunki u mazkur ko\u2018rinishdagi har qanday transsendensiyani\u00a0 prisipial darajada rad etadi.Shuni ta\u2019kidlash mumkinki, posttotalitar tuzumning ichki maqsadi, ilk qarashda ko\u2018ringanidek, faqat hukmron elita qo\u2018lida iqtidorni saqlab qolish emas, balki \u2013 bu o\u2018zini asrash instinkti, ijtimoiy fenomen hamdir. Yoxud o\u2018zini ko\u2018rlarcha harakatlantiruvchi noaniq \u201cyuksak\u201d narsaga bo\u2018ysunishdir.<\/p>\n<p>Inson \u2013 hattoki davlat iyerarxiyasida biror-bir mansabni egallagan bo\u2018lsa-da, bu tizim uchun hech narsani anglatmaydi; mansabdorlar \u201co\u2018zboshqarish\u201dni amalga oshirish va unga xizmat qilishga chaqirilgan xizmatkorlardir, xolos; shuning uchun insonning iqtidorga intilishlari \u201co\u2018zboshqarish\u201d bilan ziddiyatgacha davom etishi mumkin.<\/p>\n<p>Mafkura tizim va odam o\u2018rtasidagi \u201calibistik\u201d ko\u2018prik sifatida ular orasidagi bo\u2018shliqni yopadi; mafkura tizim da\u2019volarini hayotiy ehtiyoj sifatida ko\u2018rsatadi: bu haqiqat ko\u2018rinishidagi \u201cxayolot\u201d dunyosidir. Inson posttotalitar tuzumning qoidalarini deyarli har qadamda sezadi. U oldin mafkuraviy qo\u2018lqoplarini yoki niqoblarini kiyadi va undan keyingina munosabatlarga kirishadi.<\/p>\n<p>Shuning uchun ham tizimdagi hayot ikkiyuzlamachilik va yolg\u2018on bilan qorishib ketgan bo\u2018lib, bunda byurokratik hokimiyat \u2013 xalq hokimiyati deyiladi; ishchilar sinfi nomi bilan \u2013 ishchilar qul qilinadi; insonni total tahqirlash \u2013 inson erkinligi deb qaraladi; axborot izolyasisi uning ochiqligi deb ataladi; jamoat nazorati tashkilotlarining hukumat tomonidan manipulyasiya qilinishi va hukumat o\u2018zboshimchaligi \u2013 qonun ustuvorligiga sifatida, madaniyatni yo\u2018q qilish \u2013 uning rivojlanishi sifatida; imperiya ta\u2019sir doirasining kengayishi \u2013 jabrdiydalarga g\u2018amxo\u2018rlik sifatida; so\u2018z erkinligi cheklanishi \u2013 erkinlikning yuksak ko\u2018rinishi sifatida; saylov soxtakorligi \u2013 demokratiyaning eng oliy shakli sifatida; tafakkur qulligi \u2013 ilg\u2018or ilmiy dunyoqarash sifatida; okkupatsiya \u2013 birodarlik yordami sifatida taqdim etiladi.<\/p>\n<p>Hokimiyat o\u2018z yolg\u2018onlari asiri bo\u2018lganligi uchun soxtakorlikka ehtiyoj sezadi. O\u2018tmishni, bugunni, kelajakni va statistikani qalbakilashtiradi. U o\u2018zini, qudratli va zo\u2018ravon polisiya apparati mavjud emasday tutadi. Inson huquqlariga rioya qilayotganini surbetlarcha ta\u2019kidlaydi. Munofiqlikni munofiqlik ortiga yashiradi.<\/p>\n<p>Shunday bo\u2018lsa-da, inson bu mistifikatsiyaga ishonishi shart emas. Biroq u o\u2018zini mazkur yolg\u2018onlarga ishonganidek tutishi kerak; hech bo\u2018lmaganda jimgina tolerantlikni saqlashi yoki yolg\u2018onchilar bilan uyg\u2018unlikni yo\u2018qotmasligi lozim. Yuqorida keltirilgan sabablarga ko\u2018ra, inson yolg\u2018on bilan yashashga majbur bo\u2018ladi, lekin u yolg\u2018onni qabul qilishi kerak emas. U yolg\u2018onga qorishib ketgan va aldovdan iborat hayotni qabul qilgani kifoya qiladi. Bu bilan inson, avtomatik va g\u2018ayriixtiyoriy ravishda tizimni tasdiqlaydi, uning istaklarini amalga oshiradi, o\u2018ziga singdiradi va tizimning tarkibiy qismiga aylanadi.<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: right;\"><em>Hamid Sodiq\u00a0 tarjimasi<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>VASLAV GAVEL &nbsp; \u201cKuchsizlar kuchi\u201d essesi sobiq SSSR kommunistik tuzumining mohiyatini, rejim hayoti va uning mafkuraviy maqsadlarini amalga oshirishda qaysi usul va uslublardan foydalanishini ochib beradi. Shuningdek asarda, g\u2018ayriinsoniy tuzumlarda o\u2018zlikni saqlab qolib haqiqiy hayot asosida yashash shartlarini, shuningdek, posttotalitar tuzumlarda siyosiy manqurtga aylanmaslik ko\u2018nikmalarini ta\u2019sirli misollar bilan yoritadi. Siyosiy esse kommunistik mafkura asoratlaridan xalos [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":234,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[30,20],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-233","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-muharrir-tanlovi","8":"category-siyosiy"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/233","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=233"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/233\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":322,"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/233\/revisions\/322"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/234"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=233"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=233"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/esselar.uz\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=233"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}